Thursday, June 10, 2010

The Press, Misrepresentation, and Misunderstanding

To my readers:  
Yesterday a local Virginia newspaper ran a story in response to a a press release regarding research that I and my colleague, Carol Cleaveland, had conducted in Manassas in 2008 and 2009. We are ethnographers, which means we utilize ethnography as our primary research method.  Ethnography is a research method often used in the social sciences, particularly anthropology, folklore and sociology, but also in a variety of other fields.  The goal of ethnography is to gather data that is in-depth and from a small group of people.  Usually this would be a local community, a neighborhood, or even a small town.  Data collection is done a number of ways: participant observation (where the researcher lives alongside his or her informants and documents day-to-day life and activities), but also interviews and questionnaires.  The purpose of an ethnographic account is to describe those who are studies (i.e., the people or ethnos) and to document this through writing, thus the term, ethnography. 
We began our work in Manassas in the Weems neighborhood and Sumner Lakes in March 2008.  During that period, we interviewed 100 households that were randomly selected.  These households were non-immigrant households. The householder had to be able to speak English fluently to participate.  The summary of that research is highlighted this statement that I made earlier this year:

“Our research suggests that the changes that have taken place in Manassas in the last 20 years have been unsettling for some residents," says Debra Lattanzi Shutika, assistant professor of English at Mason. "Many of these residents seemed to be experiencing what I have identified as a type of ‘localized displacement'—they feel out of place in their home community. In some cases, residents told us that they found it difficult to adapt to the changes taking place around them, and that these changes that made their 'home' seem unfamiliar.”
Throughout this phase of the research, we asked residents about a number of changes in their community. What we found is that Manassas had changed significantly over the last 20 years, and many residents viewed those changes as unsettling.  We also discovered that  a majority of the people we talked to had strong negative feelings about immigrants. We interviewed 103 households and then went back and did an additional 30 in-depth interviews.  These ranged from 1-3 hours in length, depending on the informant.
In the second phase of this study, we went into two predominantly Latino neighborhoods and interviewed a non-random sample of residents. There we interviewed 60 people.  These residents reported feeling alienated from the community, and in some cases, extreme fear.  What I told Ms. Chumley when I spoke to her on Monday was, although it was not surprising that an undocumented person would feel frightened by the law, we were not expecting DOCUMENTED LATINOS, of which there are many in the area, to feel this way.  In fact, the responses of the documented indicated that they were just as likely to fear leaving their homes or sending their children out to play as others.  [Note: for reasons of confidentiality, we did not directly ask people about their documentation status.  However, those who were documented were forthcoming about their residency status.]

When I read Ms. Chumley's article, I was disappointed with her report because she clearly misrepresented our work.  For instance, both Prof. Cleaveland and I told her that we understood the frustrations of Manassas residents who were distressed with changes in their neighborhoods, such as having neighbors who did not cut their grass, had too many cars parked around their homes, and left trash unattended around their homes and on their laws.  For my part, most of the work that I have done in the last 15 years with immigration has focused equally on American-born residents in new destinations of Mexican migration.  I recently published an essay on this, which is linked here.
In short, I may disagree with some of my informants about their perspectives on immigration, but that is not to say that I don't think their perspectives should be ignored.  I honestly think that one of the major reasons why immigration has become such a volatile topic is because for too long residents complaints about the changes to their communities and the legitimate problems that come with a rapid increase in an immigrant population have been ignored by their local government. 
And please note: Prof. Cleaveland and I did not have to go into Weems or Sumner Lakes and do interviews.  We could have followed the path of many of our colleagues and only focused on the perspectives of Latinos.  We could also have simply published our work in peer-reviewed journals and no one would have questioned us regarding why we did not talk to American-born residents.  

However, we decided that, in light of the ordinances, the people in these communities deserved to have a say, and we gave them the opportunity to share their perspectives.
Getting back to the article written by Ms Chumley yesterday, there were a number of errors in it, and in places she clearly misrepresented us.  Prof. Cleaveland and I wrote a letter to the editor of the newspaper, and to date we have not had a response from the editor or Ms. Chumley.  Below is a excerpt from that letter:

We agreed to an interview with Cynthia Chumley on the assumption that as a reporter, she would adhere to basic principles of fairness.  Reporters are taught early on in journalism programs to offer subjects of an article the chance to respond to allegations--especially those that can harm the reputation of people either professionally or personally.  This reporter has quoted two public officials, including one who made serious allegation about the scientific merits of our research.
This reporter made no effort to allow us the opportunity to respond.
The following are our concerns:
  1. Though we stated repeatedly in our interviews that our work also focused on non-Latino views of the situation in PWC and Manassas, and that we both understood and sympathized many resident's frustration, she chose to leave these comments out of the article.
  2. This reporter never allowed us the opportunity to respond to allegations that our work is not scientific and our methodology is flawed
  3.  This reporter quotes a public official who does not appear to have the credentials to evaluate scientific research, and gives him a platform for alleging that our work has no merit.
  4. Chumley describes one researcher as a "professional social worker," which appears to be a deliberate effort to ignore the fact that Cleaveland has a Ph.D. in the field, and is therefore a social scientist.
  5. She also questions the use of ethnographic methodology, a method of inquiry developed at the University of Chicago in the 20th century, and which continues to be practiced and refined by social scientists.
  6. It is apparent from the article that Ms. Chumley's intention was to created a controversy about our work, specifically by characterizing our research as having a specific agenda--to oppose the PWC ordinances--which we clearly and repeatedly told her in the interview as not the case.
  7. Although we strongly disagree with Ms. Chumley's methods and characterization of our work, we would like the opportunity to share our research with your readers.  We are willing to write a brief op-ed piece that accurately describes our methods, purpose and findings to set the record straight.
  8. As scholars of immigration, and as advanced scholars in our prospective fields, we both recognize that some readers will disagree with our research and our findings. However, we cannot allow your publications to mischaracterize our work and allow those claims to go unchallenged.


Border Patrol Agent Kills Mexican Teen--on Mexican side of the Border

This article from today's Washington Post discusses the case of a Border Patrol agent who shot and killed a Mexican teen who was standing on the Mexican side of the border.  Allegedly the teen and his friends were taunting and throwing rocks at a group of agents, and one agent shot and killed the boy in response.

This is a terrible tragedy.  I understand that there must be an incredible amount of attention on the border right now.  Nevertheless, as a nation we cannot allow this type of behavior under any circumstances.

Globalization and the Criminalization of Immigrants

Wednesday, June 09, 2010

Balón

Arizona's Image Suffers as a Result of anti-Immigrant Law? That's a surprise?

It appears that Arizona's leaders have suddenly woken up to the fact that the only people cheering the state's xenophobic anti-immigration law and banning of ethnic studies tend to have buzzcuts and favor a certain 20th Century German political movement.

And they're surprised by this?

Clearly, the only groups who have truly benefited from the chaos that has become the U.S. immigration debate are the white supremacists.  Don't believe me?  Then why not take a look at the language they use.  You can do an analysis of the discourse used by the "Help Save" and "Take Back America" movements.  In fact, read their materials side-by-side with some of the WWII Nazi propaganda.  It's a real eye opener.  I've been stunned for many years now that the mainstream media, the alleged bastion of all things liberal, hasn't bothered to take notice here.

The fact is, this type of demonization of America's non-white residents is exactly the type of discord that hate groups love to foster, but often cannot, simply because many Americans see through the veneer of claims that "white people have rights, too" for what they are: racism, antisemitism, and in this case, nativism.

Arizona, like any other state, is free to establish their own local laws in order to meet the needs of their citizens.  If they want to institute draconian measures-measures that will not only effect undocumented immigrants but also anyone who looks like an undocumented immigrant, they should be ready to take the opposition that they so rightly deserve.

If their anti-immigrant measures cost them dearly (and the article I link here suggests that it does), then they have a choice to make: nativism or commerce.  It's time for every Arizonan to take stock of their state and community.

If they want to act like ignorant fools, they are welcome to do so.

But they shouldn't expect people like me to show up and spend my money there.  It's a simple choice, and I sincerely hope that I NEVER wake up in an America where they can have it both ways.

Tuesday, June 08, 2010

Blog Carnival on Immigration and Human Rights: Momsrising.org

This is a repost from Moms Rising.  I appreciate the range of discussion here.  Three cheers for Moms Rising.org

Writings on Human Rights for Moms, Kids, Families & Current Immigration Law Enforcement Practices

Posted May 28th, 2010 by Kristin Rowe-FinkbeinerWelcome to the MomsRising blog carnival about the human and civil rights impacts of current immigration law enforcement practices on children, mothers, and families. Our goal is to facilitate an online conversation on this topic by bringing together the voices of many people together in one online venue.

We thank the many bloggers who are contributing original posts to this blog carnival. We are also cross posting, and gathering links from, other eloquent blogs found across the web. Browse through this carnival – you’ll find a wide range of blogs from personal stories to policy analysis, from a focus on what is currently going on in Arizona to a wider lens on the human and civil rights impacts of current immigration law enforcement across the country, and more.

These blogs represent a variety of topics, but the heart of our blog carnival is addressing this: The need to further a rational, meaningful, and reasonable national conversation on the human and civil rights impacts of current immigration law enforcement practices that is based on understanding the real life experiences of mothers, children, and families who are affected by such practices. MomsRising is bringing forward this conversation as part of our overall mission to build a truly family-friendly America for all families.

- Kristin, Mary, Anita, Julissa, Donna, Joan and the MomsRising.org team

Letters from Immigrant Mothers in Phoenix
by Cecilia Menjivar
Arizona’s Law is a Social and Racial Sin
by Jim Wallis
The Story Behind My Film “Entre Nos”
by Paola Mendoza
An Unimaginable Choice
by Elisa Batista
Peaceful Revolution: Arizona’s New Immigration Law and the “92 Percent Situation”
by Mary Olivella and Elisa Batista
We Need To Dump The Word “Illegal”
by Kung Li
The DREAM Act: Securing America’s Future in Education
by Wendy Cervantes
A Salvadoran Immigrant Story
by Wendy Carrillo
Movie Review: La Misma Luna
by Erika Chavez
The American Dream
by Lecia Imbery
MANA Calls For Immigration Reform to Protect Children and Families
by Alma Morales Riojas
VIDEO: African American Ministers Leadership Council Signs Immigration Reform Covenant
by Marge Baker
Women’s Stake in Fighting Arizona’s New Law
by Ellen Bravo
Arizona’s Anti-Immigrant Law Does Not Reflect Our Common Values
by Victoria Lopez, ACLU
Victims and Witnesses are Made Criminals When State and Local Police Enforce Immigration Laws
by Rights Working Group
Ripping Families Apart
by Jennifer Chrisler, Family Equality
Korean Americans Marching in Solidarity Under the Phoenix Sun
by EunSook Lee
A Univision debate on AZ law
Read This Before You Debate Immigration Reform
by Jill Richardson, La Vida Locavore
Arizona tourism loses more business in wake of immigration law vote, Washington Post, May 12, 2010
by Krissah Thompson
Arizona Tourism Fears Boycotts, Wall St. Journal, May 20, 2010
by Sarah Nassauer
A Nation Divided, MSNBC, May 26, 2010
Reviews poll numbers and mentions support for granting children of immigrants citizenship
Wrecking Arizona for a Law That Doesn’t Solve the Problem, dailyKos, May 10, 2010
by Markos Moulitsas
Why Americans Think (Wrongly) That Illegal Immigrants Hurt the Economy, Newsweek, May 14, 2010
by Arian Campo-Flores
Interesting piece with highlights on family economic security
Immigration Raid Rips Families , Washington Post, March 18, 2007
by Robin Shulman
Shedding light on the problem of family separation
Public Support for AZ immigration law traced to fear-based advertising, Latina Lista, May 26, 2010
by Marisa Treviño
How public opinion can be swayed with fear as a motivator
Churches profess empathy for illegals, The Columbus Dispatch, May 14, 2010
by Meredith Heagney
Churches express concern over parent-child separation and other human rights abuses in the name of immigration law enforcement.
But Wait, California Has An SB 1070 Too This American Muslim, May 27, 2010
by Affad Shaikh
Immigration law in a neighboring state
AZ Students Protest in John McCain’s Senate Office, Latina magazine, May 19, 2010
by Mariela Rosario
Undocumented college students standing together at Sen. McCain’s office
Thoughts Post the Conviction of Jeffrey Convoy, Marcelo Lucero’s Killer, VivirLatino, April 20, 2010
by Maegan La Mamita Mala
A Latina blogger’s thoughts on the conviction of a man who murdered an Ecuadorean immigrant because he suspected he was Mexican.
Memo to President Obama on a Recipe for a Down Payment on Immigration Reform in 2010, William C. Velasquez Institute (WCVI) & National Alliance of Latin American and Caribbean Communities (NALACC), May 25, 2010
by Antonio Gonzalez & Oscar Chacon
Faith Groups Press for a balanced approach to immigration, Christian Science Monitor, February 2, 2006
by Jane Lampman
Report: Immigration Laws Put 5 Million Children A Risk of Family Separation, TruthOut, May 3, 2010
by Michelle Chen
Video: Conviction, Deportation, Family Separation Images, Contexts, May 9, 2010
Hundreds Protest at DC Immigration Office, Christian Post May 17, 2010
by Ethan Cole
Children and the Immigration Debate: A Sneak Peek at “From North to South,” La Bloga, May 26, 2010
Reviewing a children’s book on family separation due to immigration enforcement practices, from the interesting perspective of an elementary school teacher
Why comprehensive immigration reform, APA For Progress, May 25, 2010
A view from the blog of Asian Pacific Americans for Progress
Immigration reform: Justice, Peace and Integrity of Creation, Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate, May 25, 2010
Dangerous Ideas, Psychology Today, May 13, 2010
Psychology professionals weigh in on immigration reform
Immigration and Family Unification, Asian Journal, September 1, 2009
A Moral Stand Against A Broken and Unjust Immigration System, Seattle Times, May 25, 2010
by Larry Gossett, Josefina Beecher, Pramila Jayapal
A Fatal Ending for a Family Forced Apart by Immigration Law, New York Times, February 11, 2010
by Nina Bernstein
A moving personal story about immigration law and one family’s terrible loss
First Lady Michelle Obama Questioned by Second Grader Worried About Her Mom’s Immigration Status, America’s Voice, May 19, 2010
by Frank Sharry
The video that’s gotten countless views from blogs all over.
Family Reunification, LatinoUSA, May 14, 2010
Audio, video and slideshows on the issues facing families who immigrate.
Women March for Immigrant Rights, United Methodist News Service, May 3, 2010
by Linda Bloom
Photos accompany the article showing women holding signs that say, “Because We Believe, We Act For Immigrant Rights”
Arizona’s Immigration Law – A Mother’s Worst Nightmare, Activistas, May 28, 2010
by Kristin Teigen
Immigration Law’s Impact on Kids: Broken Families and America’s Soul, Huffington Post, May 5, 2010
by Michelle Chen
Working to Keep Immigrant Families Together, Women’s Refugee Commission
by Amalia Guzman Molina
Arizona Law An Attack on All Women, 9to5.org
by Linda Meric
Are children of immigrants becoming needless statistics in the child welfare system? From Breakthrough’s Restore Fairness blog
by Emily Butera
Why Is the Arizona Immigration Law a ‘Women’s Issue?’, RHRealityCheck blog, May 14, 2010
by Amie Newman
Women’s Groups Fighting Arizona’s Immigration Law, RHRealityCheck blog, May 20, 2010
by Amie Newman
“Dropping Babies:” Senator Pearce Targets Immigrant Mothers, RHRealityCheck blog, May 28, 2010
by Amie Newman
Posted Under: Uncategorized

Sunday, June 06, 2010

Are immigrants stealing summer jobs from American teens?

Are immigrants stealing summer jobs from your kids? This article from today's Washington Post asks, "what happened to summer jobs?" and seeks an answer.

The data discussed below are inconclusive.  Not surprisingly, the Center for Immigration Studies, always on the lookout for another reason to blame immigrants, is certain that immigrants have been gobbling up the jobs that Beaver and Wally Cleaver once occupied during the summer months.  There is no doubt that some summer employment, like grass-cutting, has been overtaken by professional landscaping companies which admittedly, are probably a major employer of undocumented labor.

The other issue listed here is summer school. More teens, apparently are attending summer school
than in past years.  I find this curious.  Why?

What is not discussed here is something that I've observed in my own neighborhood: a lot of parents don't want their kids to work.  My kids are early teens, and they have small babysitting and lawn mowing businesses.  But a lot of their friends are not only not interested in working, their parents have told me that they're simply not allowed.  With babysitting, there is a fear that daughters and sons will be vulnerable to a lecherous parent, something I have tried to mitigate by visiting the parents and homes of prospective employers before my kids head out to babysit. 

Another reason I've heard is that parents are afraid their kids will get distracted by work and not put their full effort into their studies.  That seems reasonable to me, but in the summer?  If the kid isn't in school, won't they have enough free time to pick up 10 20 hours a week working?

Finally, I've also heard parents say that they don't want their kids working because they don't want them to have too much money.  With money they may be tempted to buy booze, drugs or cigarettes. That, too, is a legitimate concern, but only if they child in question does not have adequate parental supervision.  I keep track of how much money my kids have coming in, and they are required (yes, REQUIRED) to save 66% of their earnings.  We have savings accounts where we make regular deposits, and we don't keep cash around the house.  If fact, if you were to comb my house right now, you'd be lucky to find $5 cash. 

The kids are allowed to take the other 33% and spend it on what they like: clothes, guitars, music, make-up, etc. 

My point in all of this, is that I think a lot of kids between the ages of 16-19 are not working because their parents don't encourage them  to do so.  In my neighborhood, I think it's a matter of parental pride, "my kids don't have to work--I support them."  I think it's a part of being middle or just slightly above middle class.  My peers don't want people to think they don't have enough money to buy their kids the things they want.


But at the same time, they're coddling kids and prevent them from understanding the value of work and money.  Yes, I watch my kids' money like an involved parent.  However, they're still pretty young.  My hope is that by the time they reach their late teens this won't be necessary.  Thus working and saving is part of the lesson, which I hope to make a habit.  I also want my kids to understand that the night at the movies or those 30 iTunes downloads are not just materializing out of thin air, but they equal 2 hours of watching rambunctious toddlers or mowing 2 lawns. 


Most suburban parents are not going to have the wealth to float their kids economically when they finish college.  The kids are going to have to learn to do it themselves.  I personally think it's better to learn those things now, when the stakes are not so high, then to wait until junior is in his or her mid-twenties and can run up their credit cards, get overburdened with car and house debt, or declare bankruptcy. 



Call it the case of the missing summer jobs.

According to Northeastern University economist Andrew Sum, only a third of American 16- to 19-year-olds had a job last summer, the lowest level on record and down from 52 percent a decade ago. The decline began long before the current economic crisis, so high unemployment is not the only culprit. But the question of who is to blame has launched your classic Washington think tank skirmish.
First up, Steven Camarota, a researcher at the Center for Immigration Studies, which favors tighter restrictions on immigration. In a paper released last month, he points a finger at (yes) immigrants, who often fill the types of low-skill jobs that teenagers have traditionally held.

But in reviewing Camarota's paper, Heidi Shierholz, an economist at the liberal Economic Policy Institute, spotted what she considered a glaring omission. "He didn't mention rising summer school enrollment," she told me last week. "It's this massive trend that he just didn't talk about."

Shierholz put out a brief critiquing Camarota's argument: "CIS Analysis of Immigration's Impact on Youth Employment Omits Key Facts." She argued that increased summer school attendance more than accounted for the decline in teen employment.

After what a post on the EPI Web site describes as "friendly discussions," the dueling researchers reached a detente. Shierholz now reckons that summer school accounts for only around a third of the overall decline. Camarota, for his part, concedes that school enrollment might be playing some role. "It wouldn't be plausible if the whole story is immigration," he told me.

In other words, the mystery remains. Other suspects: older workers who aren't retiring as quickly as expected; increases, in some states, in the minimum wage; and that old standby, changing values.

One thing everyone agrees on? Summer jobs, if they can be found, don't pay anything like they used to. "When I was a teenager in the early '80s in New Jersey," Camarota said, "It was not uncommon for a hard job to pay $7 an hour, which would be about $15 an hour now. Now nobody, under any circumstances, pays a teenager $15 an hour." 

The Voices that are forgotten in Arizona and across the U.S.

From today's Washington Post.  Regarding the DREAM Act.
 



PHOENIX -- Among the 10,000 or so protesters who gathered in front of the state Capitol here last weekend under a scorching sun, one group stood out. Despite the heat, they wore graduation caps and gowns in shiny royal blue and sunburst yellow.

They were graduates of American colleges, young people who mostly grew up in the United States, accidental Americans who just happen to be living here illegally.

Like the rest of the crowd, they came to protest Arizona's controversial new immigration enforcement law, but they also sought recognition of a long-sought goal -- passage of the Dream Act, federal legislation that would provide a path toward legal status for people like them
Unlike their parents, however, these young people aren't keeping quiet about their immigration status.

They are staging protests around the country, risking arrest and deportation. It's something their parents, for the most part, would never thinkof doing. But as this group of mostly 20-somethings sees it, they are American in every way -- except on paper. They have lived in the United States for at least 10 years. They speak perfect English and attended grade schools and universities here. They have American friends, American lifestyles and typical American sensibilities.

And what's more American than speaking out?

"In school we learned that if you do everything right and live by the rules, that you'll be rewarded, that everything will pay off, that you can be whatever you want to be," said Lizbeth Mateo, 25, who came to this country from Mexico at age 14. "We really believed that. We never felt different from other American kids, and now we want to start contributing to our country and make our country better."
In the past few weeks, as public criticism of Arizona's law has grown, several young activists have been arrested while engaging in civil disobedience. They've sought to capitalize on a moment when Americans are fixated on immigration to draw attention to their own political battle. Though they despise the Arizona law, they don't want the Dream Act to get lost in the debate. They support comprehensive reform that would provide a path to legalization for the estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants living in this country, but they want separate legislation -- "a down payment" for the roughly 1.5 million people who would be eligible for the Dream Act -- passed in the interim.

These young people are tired of waiting. So they are staging sit-ins at the district offices of members of Congress and blocking traffic in front of federal buildings. In some cases, those arrested may face deportation to countries where they have not lived for many years and where they no longer have strong ties.

"We've been organizing for years," said Yahaira Carrillo, 25, who came to the United States at age 8 with her parents. "We've done everything else that we could, the faxing letters to Congress, the lobbying, the letter-writing campaigns, the conference panels, the media interviews. What else do we need to do for our political leaders to hear us?"

Carrillo was one of five students who took part in a sit-in last month outside the Tucson office of Sen. John McCain (R). They were hoping to convince the senator to help revive the Dream Act legislation. Instead, four of them were arrested and are awaiting a court hearing later this month. Three of the students, including Carrillo, are undocumented.

And if they face deportation? "That's something that we'll deal with when we have to," Carrillo says calmly.
That fearlessness -- or naivete -- separates Carrillo's generation from that of her parents. This divide was evident at the protest last Saturday. "These are different times," said Irene, an older immigrant from El Salvador who took part in the march and did not give her last name for fear of repercussions at her job. "Our kids are of a different time. They feel they are a more vital part of America."

Her friend Ann Saladrigas added: "They're more out in the open."
The difference is striking to me, too. As an immigrant who came of age in the early 1980s, I've watched this fledging movement with a mix of admiration and trepidation. I admire the young immigrants' unapologetic moxie, but I worry that it might cause a backlash. "American except on paper" is an important distinction to a lot of people who view legal status as a privilege, not a right. Then again, few activist movements won new "rights" by waiting for them to be handed out; they got them by agitating for them.

I came to the United States from Haiti at age 6, along with four older siblings. Although my family came here legally, we had friends and relatives who were undocumented. In those days, we never discussed loved ones' immigration status with anyone outside the family. Rallies and sit-ins were out of the question. Being undocumented was a source of embarrassment and fear. It remains so for older immigrants, but the Dream Act generation considers it merely a temporary state.

Without question, these young activists are a sympathetic and impressive bunch. Many were top high school students who went on to earn college degrees. Well-educated, media savvy and politically astute, they have something to say and are not shy about saying it. Over the years, they've consistently earned the support of both Republican and Democratic lawmakers. In April, Sens. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) and Richard Lugar (R-Ind.) asked Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano to halt deportations of students who would be eligible for legal status under the Dream Act.

The legislation has languished in Congress for nearly a decade, despite lobbying by the students and immigrant advocacy organizations. If passed, it would permit certain undocumented students to become permanent legal residents if they came to this country before age 16 and attend college or enlist in the military.

"Everyone who is in this group has been fighting for the Dream Act for years," said Tania Unzueta, 26, who emigrated from Mexico when she was 10 along with her parents and 6-year-old sister. She took part in the sit-in at the McCain office but left before being arrested.

"It's not just about us," she says. "We see many other people even younger than us going through this, so we wanted to give it our most and take this last stand."

As she knows from her fellow protesters awaiting court hearings, it's a stand that could land them very far from the place they call home.



Marjorie Valbrun is a journalist and senior writer at America's Voice, an immigration advocacy organization in Washington.


Saturday, June 05, 2010

The Press, Misrepresentation, and Misunderstanding

To my readers:  
Yesterday a local Virginia newspaper ran a story in response to a a press release regarding research that I and my colleague, Carol Cleaveland, had conducted in Manassas in 2008 and 2009. We are ethnographers, which means we utilize ethnography as our primary research method.  Ethnography is a research method often used in the social sciences, particularly anthropology, folklore and sociology, but also in a variety of other fields.  The goal of ethnography is to gather data that is in-depth and from a small group of people.  Usually this would be a local community, a neighborhood, or even a small town.  Data collection is done a number of ways: participant observation (where the researcher lives alongside his or her informants and documents day-to-day life and activities), but also interviews and questionnaires.  The purpose of an ethnographic account is to describe those who are studies (i.e., the people or ethnos) and to document this through writing, thus the term, ethnography. 
We began our work in Manassas in the Weems neighborhood and Sumner Lakes in March 2008.  During that period, we interviewed 100 household that were randomly selected.  These households were non-immigrant households. The householder had to be able to speak English fluently to participate.  The summary of that research is highlighted this statement that I made earlier this year:

“Our research suggests that the changes that have taken place in Manassas in the last 20 years have been unsettling for some residents," says Debra Lattanzi Shutika, assistant professor of English at Mason. "Many of these residents seemed to be experiencing what I have identified as a type of ‘localized displacement'—they feel out of place in their home community. In some cases, residents told us that they found it difficult to adapt to the changes taking place around them, and that these changes that made their 'home' seem unfamiliar.”
Throughout this phase of the research, we asked residents about a number of changes in their community. What we found is that Manassas had changed significantly over the last 20 years, and many residents viewed those changes as unsettling.  We also discovered that  a majority of the people we talked to had strong negative feelings about immigrants. We interviewed 103 households and then went back and did an additional 30 in-depth interviews.  These ranged from 1-3 hours in length, depending on the informant.
In the second phase of this study, we went into two predominantly Latino neighborhoods and interviewed a non-random sample of residents. There we interviewed 60 people.  These residents reported feeling alienated from the community, and in some cases, extreme fear.  What I told Ms. Chumley when I spoke to her on Monday was, although it was not surprising that an undocumented person would feel frightened by the law, we were not expecting DOCUMENTED LATINOS, of which there are many in the area, to feel this way.  In fact, the responses of the documented indicated that they were just as likely to fear leaving their homes or sending their children out to play as others.  [Note: for reasons of confidentiality, we did not directly ask people about their documentation status.  However, those who were documented were forthcoming about their residency status.]

When I read Ms. Chumley's article, I was disappointed with her report because she clearly misrepresented our work.  For instance, both Prof. Cleaveland and I told her that we understood the frustrations of Manassas residents who were distressed with changes in their neighborhoods, such as having neighbors who did not cut their grass, had too many cars parked around their homes, and left trash unattended around their homes and on their laws.  For my part, most of the work that I have done in the last 15 years with immigration has focused equally on American-born residents in new destinations of Mexican migration.  I recently published an essay on this, which is linked here.
In short, I may disagree with some of my informants about their perspectives on immigration, but that is not to say that I don't think their perspectives should be ignored.  I honestly think that one of the major reasons why immigration has become such a volatile topic is because for too long residents complaints about the changes to their communities and the legitimate problems that come with a rapid increase in an immigrant population have been ignored by their local government. 
And please note; Prof. Cleaveland and I did not have to go into Weems or Sumner Lakes and do interviews.  We could have followed the path of many of our colleagues and only focused on the perspectives of Latinos.  We could also have simply published our work in peer-reviewed journals and no one would have questioned us regarding why we did not talk to American-born residents.  However, we decided that, in light of the ordinances, the people in these communities deserved to have a say, and we gave them the opportunity to share their perspectives.
Getting back to the article written by Ms Chumley yesterday, there were a number of errors in it, and in places she clearly misrepresented us.  Prof. Cleaveland and I wrote a letter to the editor of the newspaper, and to date we have not had a response from the editor or Ms. Chumley.  Below is a excerpt from that letter:

We agreed to an interview with Cynthia Chumley on the assumption that as a reporter, she would adhere to basic principles of fairness.  Reporters are taught early on in journalism programs to offer subjects of an article the chance to respond to allegations--especially those that can harm the reputation of people either professionally or personally.  This reporter has quoted two public officials, including one who made serious allegation about the scientific merits of our research.
This reporter made no effort to allow us the opportunity to respond.
The following are our concerns:
  1. Though we stated repeatedly in our interviews that our work also focused on non-Latino views of the situation in PWC and Manassas, and that we both understood and sympathized many resident frustration, she chose to leave these comments out of the article.
  2. This reporter never allowed us the opportunity to respond to allegations that our work is not scientific and our methodology is flawed
  3.  This reporter quotes a public official who does not appear to have the credentials to evaluate scientific research, and gives him a platform for alleging that our work has no merit.
  4. Chumley describes one researcher as a "professional social worker," which appears to be a deliberate effort to ignore the fact that Cleaveland has a Ph.D. in the field, and is therefore a social scientist.
  5. She also questions the use of ethnographic methodology, a method of inquiry developed at the University of Chicago in the 20th century, and which continues to be practiced and refined by social scientists.
  6. It is apparent from the article that Ms. Chumley's intention was to created a controversy about our work, specifically by characterizing our research as having a specific agenda--to oppose the PWC ordinances--which we clearly and repeatedly told her in the interview as not the case.
  7. Although we strongly disagree with Ms. Chumley's methods and characterization of our work, we would like the opportunity to share our research with your readers.  We are willing to write a brief op-ed piece that accurately describes our methods, purpose and findings to set the record straight.
  8. As scholars of immigration, and as advanced scholars in our prospective fields, we both recognize that some readers will disagree with our research and our findings. However, we cannot allow your publications to mischaracterize our work and allow those claims to go unchallenged.

Friday, June 04, 2010

Mexican drug war has not stopped Americans from moving south

This article from today's Christian Science Monitor examines the effects of the Mexican drug wars on the Americans' desire to move to Mexico, especially in retirement.  Apparently, American expats feel just as safe as ever in Mexico.


Mérida, Mexico
Bill Engle is outside, sweating in work clothes while he oversees renovations to his colonial house in Mérida, Mexico. It sits on a street dubbed "Gringo Gulch," a pretty row of baby blue, violet, and mustard facades where expatriates outnumber Mexicans.

"It is not the climate," says Mr. Engle, explaining why he moved to the Yucatán Peninsula. "It is the people. It is the most welcoming place."

Americans scared off by violence in Mexico? Not here.

In towns far from the US border such as Mérida, Mexico's drug wars seem like another world. In fact, according to a recent survey by the International Community Foundation, violence reduced the frequency or duration of trips to Mexico for only 7 percent of American retirees who live or travel frequently to Mexico.

No one knows how many foreign retirees, entrepreneurs, and families relocated to Mérida in recent years, but judging from real estate deals, new members to the English-language library, and observations by locals, it is not a few – nor is it ebbing.

'As safe as Seattle'

"I feel more part of a community here and safer or as safe here as I did in Seattle," says Martha Lindley, a retired chaplain and lawyer who moved here three years ago.

Of 5.25 million Americans living abroad, 1 million are estimated to live south of the border. Some communities, such as San Miguel de Allende (a Heritage Site in central Mexico), seem virtual US suburbs. Mérida is becoming a magnet as transplants rush to buy old mansions and haciendas from the 19th century boom in henequen (a fiber used to make rope).

"I do not feel any violence here," says Dan Karnes, a retired lawyer from New Orleans who moved here last year. He purchased an 18th-century colonial mansion, last used as a warehouse, and on a recent day was overseeing workers digging a pool foundation and laying an oval courtyard. When done, Mr. Karnes will boast an 18,300-square-foot home.

Mérida housing market rebounds with retirees

Mérida became a hot destination five years ago, says Mitch Keenan of Mexico International Real Estate. He's sold homes here for 15 years. While the global recession hurt sales, he says the market is rebounding and sending in more well-heeled retirees.

With America's baby boomers retiring, potential for further growth is huge. The International Community Foundation found that Mexico remains their retirees' No. 1 travel destination. The possible extension of Medicare benefits to Americans who retire abroad could further fuel that.

Ellen Fields and her husband, Jim, run the site Yucatánliving.com and help expatriates settle here. "It is so neighborly," she says. She once left her keys in her door; instead of getting robbed, the keys got returned.
Locals say foreigners blend easily with the city's 1 million residents.

Alvaro Martinez and Sara Lopez, who moved to "Gringo Gulch" 70 years ago, long before it earned its nickname, are one of two Mexican families on the street. "They are good neighbors, there are never any problems," says Mr. Lopez, his arm draped around his wife. "They are moving in all around us."

How Immigrants Reduce Crime

I recognize that it does little good to point out the obvious about immigrants and crime, but the numbers do speak for themselves here.  Associating crime with immigration is a great way to alienate and demonize immigrant residents, but the fact is, they are good for our communities.

Thursday, June 03, 2010

Migration and the Challenges of Global Belonging

My latest essay on immigration and belonging:


I began working with immigrant communities in 1995, focusing primary on new destinations.  New destinations are those communities that are experiencing significant immigration, but have had little or no prior history of being locations of migration and settlement.  I began my work  in Kennett Square, Pennsylvania, the “Mushroom Capital of the World.”  Mexican men had been migrating seasonally to and from Kennett Square for years to pick mushrooms.  In the early 1990s, these Mexican men began settling permanently with their wives and children.  When the project began, I assumed that most of my time would be spent with the Mexican nationals who were the center of my study, as was typical of most students of immigrant communities.

Within a few months of starting my project, I realized that if I wanted to understand the lives of immigrants, I would have to study their American-born counterparts as well.  I did not realize that this simple act of inclusion would produce an innovative approach to the study of transnational migration.  I was simply following up on something that several Mexican families had mentioned: that the American residents in Kennett Square had a significant influence on the lives of their immigrant neighbors, even in a social context where the two groups rarely interacted.

Central to the workings of any new destination are the feelings of belonging that immigrants and native-born residents associate with the places they call home.  Although many migration scholars have worked to understand the lives and experiences of recent immigrants, few have seriously considered how immigration changes the lives of the citizen population.  As immigrants from around the globe settle in new and diverse places in the U.S., the question of belonging has become more central to the debate on how we live together.

Belonging is a basic human need (Baumeister & Leary 1995; Young et al 2004; Mulgan & Johnson 2007; Mulgan 2009); it is negotiated through interpersonal relations.  It is a process through which “people reflexively judge the suitability of a given site as appropriate given their social trajectory and their position in other fields” of experience (Savage, Bagnall & Longhurst 2005: 12). The majority of academic discussions about belonging focus on how immigration is transforming the nation.  Wider national debates on issues of multiculturalism, citizenship, and immigrant integration often dominate discussions on what it means to belong to a community or the nation.  Based on my work in new destinations, I believe that questions of belonging should be considered from the point of view of local citizens rather than from the top down.  From this perspective it is possible to examine local attitudes about community change and consider how migration affects local understandings of tradition, local history, and cultural norms.

In new destinations, issues of belonging often become a two-fold challenge.  Local social contexts shift with the introduction of the new population, making new destinations “new” for newcomers and longer-term residents alike.  Immigrant residents are understandably struggling to belong, but the same can be true for those who have lived their entire lives in what has become the new destination.  In many instances, longer-term residents experience a type of localized displacement, a feeling that their “home” is no longer a familiar and predictable place, thus making it difficult to embrace the changes taking place around them.1 Kennett Square’s longer-term residents reacted to the changes in their community with a sense of privilege.  Because they were “here first,” they frequently assumed that their residential longevity justified local divisions of power and the subordinate position of recent immigrant settlers.  As a group the longtime residents dominated social relations, controlled local resources and worked to control residents’  access to various places in town for recreation and socializing.  They also had the ability to control the circumstances of that access.

The events in Kennett Square were not atypical.  Indeed, I found a  similar (albeit much more extreme) situation  in Manassas, Virginia just three years ago.  The social contexts of new destinations like Kennett Square and Manassas are interesting and complex.  They are communities in transition where everyday life can be thrilling, but also often exasperating depending on a person’s tolerance for change.  The longer-term residents in new destinations often complain that their communities have been permanently transformed by immigration, and they can no longer reliably expect that their new immigrant neighbors will speak English or share the same cultural beliefs and community values.  When they feel displaced, native-born residents often find it difficult to embrace the changes taking place around them as their community transforms.  In the most extreme circumstances, some longer-term residents find their changing communities threatening and frightening.  This type of localized displacement is often expressed as through acts of intolerance and sometimes nativism.  In the most extreme instances, new destinations have become virtual battlegrounds where long-term residents insist the must “take back” their communities.

Activities that are designed to “take back” a community can take many forms. In Kennett Square it involved community dialogues where the nature of community was discussed and plans for incorporating Mexican families took shape.  In other locations, like Manassas, anti-immigrant citizens formed “Help Save Manassas,” and lobbied county supervisors to pass local ordinances that would apprehend and remove undocumented immigrants from the community.

In practice, these responses had very different effects.  The anxiety that was associated with migrant settlement in Kennett Square during the 1990s has waned significantly.  While there are still misunderstandings about migrants and occasional acts of intolerance toward Mexican residents, for the most part residents have come to terms with a new Kennett Square identity as a multi-ethnic community.  In Manassas the county ordinances effectively alienated the immigrant population.  While completing fieldwork there in 2008-2009, I found that many immigrant families decided to leave in response to the new laws, some abandoning their homes to foreclosure.  Others remained, but were less likely to participate openly in the community. In the most extreme cases immigrants told me that they were reluctant to leave their homes and were mistrustful of their American neighbors.

Many new destination communities have emerged in the U.S. in the last twenty years, but only a handful have had notably intolerant responses to immigrant settlement.  While it is possible that communities might eventually work through the disruptions and change without intervention, in circumstances where the transition has been antagonistic or hostile, there are ways to facilitate the transition in new destinations that are constructive and can foster community solidarity.  As a folklorist I have advocated the initiation of cultural documentation projects that can be used to help communities with this process.

The first step is to recognize that adaptation to new migrant settlements involves change from newcomers and longtime residents alike, and adapting to these changes can be difficult.  While this may seem obvious, when citizens speak out in opposition to immigration, they often complain that their fears about changes in their communities are not acknowledged and that they feel displaced.  Unfortunately, the concerns about migrant settlement and community change are often couched in strong anti-immigrant and sometimes nativist discourse.  The result is that when citizens express feelings of displacement they are disregarded because the broader message expresses intolerance and disregard for the needs of the immigrant community.

I do not advocate tolerance for the expression of racist or nativist sentiment, and I recognize that in every community there are individuals who oppose immigrant settlement because they abhor cultural difference.  However, the residents of new destinations are people whose lives have been dramatically and irrevocably changed by immigrant settlement.  The communities that they built, the world that was once familiar and predictable, is gone, and the anxiety that they feel about those changes is honest and understandable.  It is important to distinguish between legitimate concerns and racist tirades.  Racist statements and policies cannot be tolerated.  Having worked in new destination communities for many years, I also know that discounting the concerns of citizen residents out of hand only serves to heighten their fears and often has the effect of polarizing the community.

My second recommendation is to institute programs that shift the focus of the community from the past, which is often idealized and viewed nostalgically, and to encourage residents to envision a shared future.  I do not think it an accident that both Kennett Square and Manassas are communities that have storied pasts.  Long-term residents in both communities often lamented that immigration was disrupting their historic identity.  In these instances, any number of interventions might be employed, such as community dialogues to address local concerns.  Shared projects that are designed to bring newcomers and long-term residents together with a common goal can also be useful.  The strategies of cultural conservation, such as a community-wide oral history project, can help residents document and preserve the past that they once knew, but also chart a new direction for the future of the community.

Some communities will make the transition to becoming a new destination smoothly, while others will need assistance in order to process their transition in order to see their future differently.   New destinations pose particular challenges as immigrants and their longer-term neighbors adapt to one another and their new home.  Projects that work to foster a sense of belonging can help residents learn to accept and appreciate the community they have rather than pining for the one they have lost.

Debra Lattanzi Shutika is Associate Professor at the Department of English at George Mason University.

REFERENCES
Baumeister, Roy F., and Mark R. Leary. 1995. The need to belong: Desire for interpersonal attachments as a fundamental human motivation. In Psychological Bulletin 117, no. 3 (May): 497-529.
Mulgan, Geoff. 2007. Belonging–local and national. In Britishness: towards a progressive citizenship, ed. Nick Johnson, 60-68. London: The Smith Institute.
———. 2009. Feedback and Belonging: Explaining the Dynamics of Diversity. Migration Information Source. Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute. http://www.migrationinformation.org/Feature/print.cfm?ID=718.
Savage, Michael. 2005. Globalization and Belonging. London: Sage.
Young, Anne F., Anne Russell, and Jennifer R. Powers. 2004. The sense of belonging to a neighbourhood: can it be measured and is it related to health and well being in older women? In Social Science & Medicine 59, no. 12 (December): 2627-2637.
ENDNOTES
  1. Localized displacement is a term used to reference the nearby relocation of residents after a natural disaster has permanently altered the landscape (Levine, Esnard and Sapat 2007).   I use the term here to signify the perceptions of displacement and loss expressed by longer-term residents in Kennett Square. []

Wednesday, June 02, 2010

Prince William County and Arizona: kissing cousins

These articles from the Phoenix Business Journal and Portfolio highlight the work that Carol Cleaveland and I have been conducting in PrinceWilliam County.  The articles highlight the fact that these new immigration laws are intended to make immigrants feel unwelcome, and they do this regardless of whether the immigrant is documented or not.

Friday, May 28, 2010

GMU Research in today's Washington Post

The article linked above references a study that I completed with my colleague, Carol Cleaveland on the perceptions of Latinos in Prince William County after the ordinances passed in 2007.  We were specifically interested about community issues, such as were Latinos feeling the effects of the ordinances in their everyday lives.  We did not ask about Police actions or racial profiling.

A link to the full press release can be found here.

Thursday, May 27, 2010

NBC Poll: Americans are divided on Immigration

And the divide is largely racial:
In the poll, 61 percent say they favor Arizona’s new anti-illegal immigration law, which would require local and state law enforcement officers to question people about their immigration status if they have reason to suspect a person is in the country illegally. The law would also make it a crime to lack the proper registration documents.

But there’s a divide among white and Latino respondents: 70 percent of whites support the law, versus just 31 percent of Latinos. In fact, 58 percent of Latinos say they strongly oppose it. That’s not the only chasm between White and Latino America. While 68 percent of Latinos believe that immigration strengthens the United States, just 43 percent of whites think that.
 You can find a .pdf of the complete poll linked here.

NC Legislature wants Arizona-style immigration law

The details are here.  I wish someone would ask me about my work in Manassas before they do this. There are real consequences to these laws, on all members of the community.

Why does inaction trump problem-solving on Immigration?

Ever wonder why more people don't ask this question?

I think there are several reasons why Washington has overlooked dealing with our immigration problem. The first has to do with politics. The second has to do with will.

This article in today's Washington Post examines the benefits of the recently proposed comprehensive immigration reform measures.The multifaceted approaches proposed by Senators Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) and Lindsey O. Graham (R-S.C.), which would deploy new personnel and technology to the border, coupled with employment verification and a path to eventual legal status for undocumented immigrants already here. Their legislation remains in draft form, and will stand no chance unless they are successful at attracting a few Republican votes. Today that seems unlikely.

That's too bad, because the approach they proposal, while has its admitted shortcomings, offers a reasonable approach to addressing our immigration problems. The Schumer bill (Mr. Graham has since withdrawn his support) extensively outlines how the law would tighten enforcement and allegedly stop the entry of undocumented immigrants.  This includes more Border Patrol officers would keep an eye on the nation's frontiers, and more agents from Immigration and Customs Enforcement would battle smuggling and check workplaces. The Pentagon would be called on to deploy equipment to shut down illegal crossings, along with helicopters, speedboats, night-vision equipment, unmanned drones and high-tech surveillance systems. These efforts, while seen by too many as the only way to win support for any immigration reform, comes close to creating U.S. equivalent of the Berlin Wall.  This insanely wasteful use of resources is believed to be the necessary compromises to attract the small number of GOP senators whose support is needed to pass the bill.

Schumer's proposal also proposes a new high-tech Social Security card that would include biometric data to be used exclusively to check employment eligibility. Employers, who theoretically constitute the most effective checkpoint in terms of shutting down undocumented immigration, would no longer be able to use the excuse of ignorance or a porous system to justify their hiring of people who are in the country illegally. The problem here is that there are inadequate penalties for employers who DO hire undocumented workers. This was a major problem with the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act, and has been largely ignored in every immigration reform measure since.

The best news here is that the measure would clear the backlog of some 2.6 million relatives of U.S. citizens who are awaiting visas -- a process estimated to take eight years -- and stop a self-defeating brain drain by offering visas to highly educated immigrant scientists, mathematicians and engineers who receive advanced degrees from American universities.

In addition, undocumented immigrants in this country who registered and passed background checks would be allowed to stay and work in the country. They would have to wait until the backlog was cleared and the border security benchmarks were met before they could apply for permanent resident status. While this may seen like a problem for many immigration advocates, I think offering temporary visas to the current undocumented is a great way to undercut the labor market's strong desire for
undocumented labor.

In this midst of all this sane, reasoned approach to immigration, what have we initiated?

This gets me back to my first question: why are we more likely to do nothing than something that will actually address our immigration problem? (answers soon)

As I blogged yesterday evening, the Obama administration has initiated a massive increase in border security, which is discussed in this article in the NYT:

The President has decided to deploy up to 1,200 National Guard troops to bolster security at the Mexican border, and in my opinion, is pandering to the nativists and wasting an opportunity to attempt reform a-la Schumer.

The administration has said that the troops are being sent ONLY to combat drug smuggling, and in part because of the recent murder of an Arizona rancher who was murdered by narcos.  By focusing on border security, however, the president may be undercutting his own efforts at immigration reform by:

"giving up his best leverage for winning approval of broader but more politically contentious steps to address the status of the millions of immigrants already in the United States illegally, and the needs of employers who rely on their labor.

“I’m trying to reconcile the stated belief of this president when he was a candidate, what he has said publicly — as recently as a naturalization ceremony last month — and what his actions are,” said Angela Kelley, vice president for immigration policy at the Center for American Progress, a left-leaning organization that is a close ally of the Obama administration. “I think there’s a big gap there.”

Mr. Obama’s decision to send the National Guard focused attention on the intense political pressures facing him as he wades into the issue during this midterm election year. Republicans are demanding that he improve border security before they cooperate on an immigration bill. Some moderate Democrats facing difficult re-election races are also demanding tougher action at the border. 

There is no doubt that many have questioned the President's intentions regarding immigration reform.  Although I can see why border enforcement *may* help win the support of some Republicans, I have to ask: Has the President be paying attention during the last two years?  Has he not seen that they're willing to fight him on just about everything simply to deny him a victory?

I think that increasing border security works to mollify the nativists and others who are simply freaked out by the changes they've seen in their communities regarding immigration.  Enforcing the border gives some of fellow citizens the false sense of security that they can "take back America" from the newcomers.  This is complete fiction, certainly, but it makes them feel better. 

I also think that Democrats need to have some political will to actually fight this fight.  They may lose. That would be terrible.  But if our leaders refuse to have a rational debate about the issues, including issues of racism and nativism that are so prevalent and yet so rarely acknowledged, addressed, or even called out, the nation is bound to continue on the path of believing that throwing enough people and money at the border will somehow take us back to the 1950s.

Dream on.

Wednesday, May 26, 2010

What will more border security do?

This link will take you to a PBS Newshour report on Obama's Border Enforcement Strategy.  Both guests, from the Border Patrol and Homeland Security, both feel that this effort will be largely fruitless.

Friday, May 21, 2010

"Take Back America" Tour



Leave it to comedians to provide apt, cutting social commentary.  This is pretty offensive, but it pokes fun of a social context that is very troubling.

Friday, April 23, 2010

Immigration Reform 2010--To be, or not to be?

There is a lot of talk around Washington today about immigration reform.  Tamar Jacoby wrote another thoughtful plea for reform, published today in the Washington Post.  Here she sites the two major positions about whether or not reform will happen this year.  One claims that Democrats will attempt to work out a thoughtful bi-partisan bill with the GOP, the other suggests that Dems should use immigration reform as a means to draw out Republicans and expose them as the anti-immigrant they appear to be.  Jacoby's position is that the latter approach might be a good political move, but would be devastating for cause.  She believes that a failure this year put immigration off the table for a long time. 

I talk to immigration reform advocates all the time, and from what I can tell, there is little hope for major reform.  Instead, many of us hope that some modest measure, like a DREAM Act, will pass.

Regardless of what plan may (or may not) be in the works, it's clear that the President is making his opinions known.  Just this afternoon the NY Times reports that the President took an opportunity to slap Arizona's latest immigration law, and made a call for comprehensive reform:
Mr. Obama said the Arizona bill threatens “to undermine basic notions of fairness that we cherish as Americans, as well as the trust between police and our communities that is so crucial to keeping us safe.”

He also said that he is monitoring the Arizona bill for civil rights and other implications.
“If we continue to fail to act at a federal level, we will continue to see misguided efforts opening up around the country,” Mr. Obama said.
He did not offer a timetable for reform, but such calls are not overly useful (as we have so painfully witnessed with the health care debate).  Nevertheless, immigration is back on the table.  How long wil it remain there?  That IS the question.